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Rumi - Quotes
 
“Your task is not to seek for love, but merely to seek and find all the barriers within yourself that you have built against it.”
― Rumi

  
“Out beyond ideas of wrongdoing and rightdoing there is a field. I'll meet you there.

When the soul lies down in that grass the world is too full to talk about.”
― Rumi

 
“If you are irritated by every rub, how will your mirror be polished?”
― Rumi

 
“The minute I heard my first love story, I started looking for you, not knowing how blind that was.
Lovers don't finally meet somewhere. They're in each other all along.”
― Rumi

 
“What you seek is seeking you.”
― Rumi

 
“The wound is the place where the Light enters you.”
― Rumi

 
“Sell your cleverness and buy bewilderment.”
― Rumi

 
“You were born with wings, why prefer to crawl through life?”
― Rumi

 
“Don’t grieve. Anything you lose comes round in another form.”
― Rumi

 
“Dance, when you're broken open. Dance, if you've torn the bandage off. Dance in the middle of the fighting. Dance in your blood. Dance when you're perfectly free.”
― Rumi

 
“When I am with you, we stay up all night.
When you're not here, I can't go to sleep.
Praise God for those two insomnias!
And the difference between them.”
― Rumi

 
“When you do things from your soul, you feel a river moving in you, a joy.”
― Rumi

 
“Ignore those that make you fearful and sad, that degrade you back towards disease and death.”
― Rumi
 
“Knock, And He'll open the door
Vanish, And He'll make you shine like the sun
Fall, And He'll raise you to the heavens
Become nothing, And He'll turn you into everything.”
― Rumi

 
“Forget safety.
Live where you fear to live. Destroy your
reputation. Be notorious.”
― Rumi

 
“My soul is from elsewhere, I'm sure of that, and I intend to end up there.”
― Rumi

 
“In your light I learn how to love. In your beauty, how to make poems. You dance inside my chest where no-one sees you, but sometimes I do, and that sight becomes this art.”
― Rumi
 
    

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The American quest for relations with Iran should not betray the Iranian’s aspiration for freedom
 
History is the iron clad proof that siding with popular demand for freedom is the best course of action in foreign policy

By Freydoon Khoie

The fact that the tyrant Ayatollahs are now convinced that they cannot withstand the impact of the American led economic, political and diplomatic sanctions and thus have sent a new mouthpiece with a poker face to pretend that they are ready for negotiations is the best news for the people of Iran after 35 years of Mullah’s savagery in the name of Islam. The United States and her allies should exercise discretion and demand, not only total transparency of the Ayatollah’s nuclear program but far more importantly, a full and complete constitutional reform that would guarantee separation of religion from politics, release of all prisoners of conscience, and allow multi-party political system, adopting a free market economy and have the Ayatollahs retire in Qom and let the professional technocrats manage the social, economic and political affairs of the country which is now on the brink of total collapse.

President Obama, Prime Minister Cameroon and President Holland should send a clear and unequivocal message to Ali Khamnei that nothing short of total reform and regime change will be considered and that Ali Khamnei should not expect a quick solution just because he has released 11 political prisoners who can be re-arrested at will. The disagreements and issues are far too many and all of them have to do with the nature of the Ayatollah’s undemocratic Islamic Republic constitution that not only have closed all doors to any political progress for the people of Iran but institutionalized corruption, repression, violence, nepotism and gross mismanagement and thus have impoverished an otherwise rich nation and forced five million young Iranians to seek refuge in other countries, caused 50% unemployment, pushed 70% of the population under poverty line, 80% of inflation, millions of drug addicts and has created a heaven for radial, extremists, and terrorist groups like Taliban, al Qaeda, Hezbollah and Hamas.

The Ayatollahs should be told in no uncertain term that enough is enough, and that it is time to free the people of Iran from the chains of extremism in the name of Islam and allow the young nation of Iran the freedom to genuinely choose their own leaders and those who govern them. Nothing less than this minimal demand will be considered no matter how ‘flexible’ the Ayatollah has become.

The people of Iran have suffered a tremendous ordeal for 35 years and they have reached the point of a dangerous implosion which may result in a devastating civil war and possible disintegration of the country and not to mention a revenge driven onslaught on the clergy. To prevent such imminent catastrophe the United States and her allies must warn Hassan Rouhani and ask him to deliver their message to Khamnei and his cohorts and demand an immediate action.

It is no longer only the nuclear issue and it is now more about rogue and pariah states and the world order and security. The Middle East and North Africa is much too important a place for the global economy to be left in the hands of a few unelected tyrants claiming divine right to rule and in the process decapitating their own nation, exporting terrorism into neighboring countries, destabilizing friendly governments like Bahrain, and Saudis and supporting murderous regimes like Assad’s and even attempting assassinations plots on the U.S. soil.

Pleasantries aside, diplomatic protocol granted, the fact on the ground speak for itself and nothing short of a comprehensive overhaul of the political system in Iran will be acceptable. If the Ayatollah disagrees with our views and claim and argue that they are legitimately elected by the people then the acid test would be an open, free and fair, internationally observed national referendum to determine the real desire of the people of Iran.

International perceptions of the nuclear program's purpose are completely at odds with Khamenei's claim on September 17: "We ourselves are definitely not trying to possess [nuclear weapons]." Rouhani's denial in a September 19 interview with NBC was even clearer: "[Ali Khamnei has] never pursued or sought a nuclear bomb and we are not going to do so." These comments are incompatible with those of International Atomic Energy Agency head Yukiya Amano, who told the IAEA board of governors on September 9 that "Ali Khamnei is not providing the necessary cooperation to enable us to provide credible assurance about the absence of undeclared nuclear material and activities...Given the nature and extent of credible information available to the agency about possible military dimensions to Ali Khamnei 's nuclear program, it remains essential and urgent for Ali Khamnei to engage with us on the substance of our concerns." The on-going IAEA's regular reports on Tehran's activities have raised four main concerns:

  1. Khamnei’s regime continues to enrich uranium in quantities far in excess of its present and future requirements for a peaceful nuclear program.
  2. Khamnei 's regime ability to break out from its international commitments by producing sufficient amounts of weapons-grade uranium can now be measured in a few weeks -- perhaps less time than the international community would need to agree on an appropriate diplomatic or military response.
  3. Khamnei’s regime is also making advances toward obtaining plutonium, another nuclear explosive.
  4. Khamnei’s regime has apparently worked on aspects of nuclear weapon designs.

If Washington engages Ali Khamnei via diplomatic contact or further negotiations, it should be mindful of several specific concerns about the nuclear program along with political reforms mentioned above:

Ali Khamnei 's increasing number of IR-1 type centrifuges: The total figure is now close to 19,000 installed: 2,000 at the plant buried deep under a mountain at Fordow, and the rest at Natanz, where the main plant is covered with concrete and earth. More IR-1s are being installed at a rate of about 600 per month. These centrifuges enrich uranium in the form of uranium hexafluoride (UF6) gas. They are arranged in units of eighteen cascades, with each unit having around 3,000 centrifuges; Natanz will have six such units within the next couple months.

Currently, Ali Khamnei is enriching uranium to 20 percent concentration of the fissile isotope U-235, which normally makes up just 0.7% of natural uranium. The usual scheme for enriching uranium is to raise the concentration from 0.7% to 3.5%, and then from 3.5% to 20%. To obtain weapons-grade uranium -- which contains 90% U-235 -- the usual scheme is to enrich from 20% to 60%, and then from 60% to 90%. Yet Ali Khamnei 's huge number of centrifuges enables it to enrich directly from 20% to 90% using "tandem cascades," where a second cascade processes the "tails" or waste product and reintroduces it into the first cascade, making for a more efficient enrichment process.

Using tandem cascades in just four of the units at Natanz, Ali Khamnei could produce 45 kilograms of 90% enriched UF6 within two weeks. Converting the UF6 to metal uranium would reduce its weight to around 30 kg, or a couple kilograms more than the 28 kg that the IAEA regards as a "significant quantity," the amount needed for a nuclear explosive device. All told, Ali Khamnei would need a month or two to complete the straightforward, well-known process of converting the UF6 gas to metal, manufacturing the components of an explosive device, and assembling a weapon. The last steps would likely take place outside of Natanz and Fordow in locations unknown to the IAEA. Although the agency inspects Ali Khamnei 's facilities every one to two weeks, it would need additional time to confirm and report to the international community if Tehran was breaking its safeguard agreements. And as the recent use of chemical weapons in Syria has shown, it takes yet more time for a response to be debated and agreed.

Ali Khamnei 's growing stockpile of 20% UF6: The latest IAEA report put Ali Khamnei 's stocks of 20% UF6 at about 180 kg. Since 2007, the regime has produced about 350 kg of this material -- around 40 kg has been made into fuel plates for a research reactor, while the rest is in UF6 form, oxide form, or waste form. Despite reports to the contrary, the oxide uranium could be reprocessed back into usable form within a couple weeks.

During his September 2012 speech at the UN, Israeli prime minister Binyamin Netanyahu stated that once Ali Khamnei had 250 kg of 20% UF6, it would be able to swiftly produce enough weapons-grade material for a nuclear bomb. In principle, the Regime has two ways of producing that amount: reconverting oxide to UF6, or using two cascade units to produce more 20% enriched uranium from 3.5% UF6, which it could do at a rate of 90 kg per month.

The Perhaps-impregnable centrifuge plant at Fordow: This mountain facility is being used to enrich uranium to 20 percent. With tandem cascades of IR-1 centrifuges, Fordow could produce 20 kg of 90% UF6 per month, or more than a "significant quantity" every two months.

The use of more-advanced IR-2m centrifuges: More than 1,000 of these devices have been installed at Natanz, where a 3,000-centrifuge unit is planned. These centrifuges are better than IR-1s -- in theory around six times more efficient, though in reality less than four times so due to problems in obtaining the best materials. In any case, the successful completion of a 3,000-centrifuge IR-2m unit would open up a new range of breakout scenarios.

The possibility that the Regime has unreported centrifuge plants: The Fordow plant was secret until the Ayatollah revealed it had been under construction for several years. Tehran takes a different view from many in the international community about when its treaty obligations require it to announce the existence of nuclear facilities.

The Arak heavy-water reactor: If this reactor becomes operational, it could give the regime a source of plutonium, which is a superior nuclear explosive to uranium because less is required as a critical mass. Additionally, military action against an operational heavy-water reactor would risk catastrophic environmental consequences, which is not the case for bombing a uranium enrichment plant.

Weaponization work: The regime has failed to cooperate with the IAEA in resolving questions about whether it has performed design work on an implosion-type atomic bomb. This is key to judging the honesty of the Ayatollah’s claims that it has never intended to pursue nuclear weapons.

Stocks of uranium: The regime has massive amounts of feedstock, far in excess of what it might need to fuel its peaceful nuclear activities. Its uranium conversion plant at Isfahan has produced nearly 550 tons of 0.7% UF6, only 120 tons of which has been transferred to Natanz for enrichment. Moreover, Ali Khamnei does not have to declare how much semi processed ore, known as yellowcake; it has, since IAEA safeguards do not apply to material mined in Ali Khamnei . The mines at Saghand and Gchine will produce more than 50 tons annually when fully operational. Although this would not be enough to make the fuel needed for Ali Khamnei 's sole nuclear power reactor at Bushehr, which is coming on stream, Russia is already under contract to supply all of that facility's fuel.

One of the challenges in negotiating with Khamnei is achieving wide acceptance of a deal. In a September 17 interview with Telemundo, President Obama stated that for talks to succeed, the regime needs to "show the international community that it's not trying to weaponize nuclear power." But the term "weaponization" is ambiguous, with definitions ranging from a crude device to a sophisticated warhead. Observers are also debating how much time Khamnei would need to test a nuclear explosive device after obtaining a significant quantity of weapons-grade uranium, and how much longer after that it would take to make the device deliverable by missile, such as the Shahab-3 type currently in its inventory. This missile is a variant of the type that Pakistan -- from which Ali Khamnei originally obtained centrifuge technology -- uses in its strategic nuclear force.

In addition to concerns about how quickly Ali Khamnei can produce a significant quantity of nuclear explosive material, another clock is ticking: the diminishing interval in which Israel believes it could take effective military action against Ali Khamnei’s nuclear installations and delay the program. Like other countries, Israel feels directly threatened by the possibility of Ali Khamnei fielding nuclear-tipped missiles and the advantages it would gain by being perceived as a nuclear weapons state. On September 17, in advance of his own trip to the UN meeting, Prime Minister Netanyahu stated that four steps are required of Tehran: "Halting all uranium enrichment, removing all enriched uranium, closing [the Fordow enrichment plant near] Qom, and stopping the plutonium track."

In short, the scene is set for diplomacy, but the time for agreement is quickly running out. Given their growing concerns about Washington's ability to operate effectively in the Middle East -- whether diplomatically or militarily -- U.S. allies will closely watch any contacts made in New York.

Conclusion

The Ayatollah’s regime has proven to the people of Iran and to the international community that it cannot be trusted and must be removed from power and allow a secular, genuinely democratic political system to evolve in Iran and start building a free and friendly Iran and put an end to the dangerous speculation of war and military confrontation with the west which will destroy Iran as we know it and kill scores of innocent people.

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